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It was the gaffe heard around the
globe. Last November, just two days after Barack Obama's historic election victory, the world's collective jaw dropped when Silvio Berlusconi quipped that the next U.S. President was "young, handsome and even has a good tan." Though the Italian Prime Minister refused to apologize for the failed attempt at humor, Obama and his aides gave Berlusconi a pass. The incoming President was not going to be sidetracked by a diplomatic incident with a man already notorious as a loose cannon. Berlusconi kept his place that week on Obama's initial round of phone calls to world leaders, with the "tan" remark firmly off the agenda and both sides hailing strong relations between the key transatlantic allies.

Strangely, it is Berlusconi who has not let the incident rest. He called his critics "imbeciles," saying the remark was meant as a compliment. "We'd all like to be tanned like Naomi Campbell and Obama," he said two weeks after the original one-liner. He has made other references to it in the months since.


And then on Sunday, he dropped the abbronzato bomb again. Having returned from the G-20 meeting in Pittsburgh, he told supporters in Milan that he carried greetings from "someone tan, what's his name? Barack Obama!" Not satisfied, he continued, "You will not believe it, but the two of them went together to get some sun at the beach, because the wife is also tanned."

The conventional wisdom in Italy, in both press and political circles, seems to be that it's just Berlusconi being Berlusconi. The latest quip got only passing notice from Italy's center-left opposition, which is more focused on Berlusconi's ongoing sex scandal. Even the leading leftist daily, La Repubblica, referred to the remarks as the latest "Berlusconi Show."

But that's telling in itself. In many ways, mainstream Italian society is several generations behind the rest of the West when it comes to race. In supposedly polite company, one can still hear the word negro, (pronounced neh-grow) which essentially translates to the N word. A cleaning woman is often generically referred to as a "Filippina." Northern Italians joke that darker-skinned southerners are "Moroccans."

Unlike some of his political allies, Berlusconi has never seemed to suffer from mean-spirited racism. Still, his eagerness to continue cracking racial jokes shows how outdated he and a big chunk of Italian society are. The lack of outrage from ordinary Italians compounds the crime.

Does that mean it's up to the White House to tell Berlusconi basta? During the 2008 campaign, Republican political consultant Grover Norquist was lambasted by Obama supporters for describing the candidate as "John Kerry with a tan." But when it comes to Silvio, the Administration seems to want to play it cool. The U.S. embassy in Rome declined this week to comment on the latest quip. Asked Wednesday by TIME about the remarks, White House spokesman Robert Gibbs said, "There are far bigger issues in the world than this."

That's true. And no doubt the issues of any perceived political incorrectness — and potential racial reverberations — are trickier to handle when the offender is the leader of a NATO ally. But Berlusconi's prominence is the point, and as the first black leader of the most powerful nation on earth, Obama is seen as a model by many countries struggling to integrate people of different races and religions.

In Italy, where immigration has skyrocketed in the past decade, racism is becoming a front-burner issue. Aly Baba Faye, regional director in Rome of the Anti-Racism Observatory, says the Prime Minister's comments are indicative of attitudes in Italy and unhelpful in changing prejudices. "Berlusconi thinks he's funny, but he's not," says Faye, an Italian citizen who emigrated from Senegal 30 years ago. "For one world leader to talk about the skin color of another is utterly disrespectful and sets a bad example for ordinary folk." Faye says Berlusconi's comments make it more likely that people on the street in Rome will make a crack about the color of his or his children's skin.


Faye, who was head of Italy's first pro-Obama initiative during the 2008 campaign, says he understands the President's not wanting to turn the issue into a diplomatic affair. "But someone has to make him stop. Maybe just a private note through the embassy?" Or maybe the next time he sees Berlusconi, Obama himself can lean over and say, "Hey Silvio, you know the tan jokes? Basta."

Posted by worldissues Thursday, October 1, 2009 0 comments






Not since the days of President Daniel arap Moi, a classic African "Big Man," has the U.S. been so tough on Kenya. The latest salvo came on Sept. 24, when Washington threatened to ban 15 senior officials from the U.S. for their failure to push through reforms after bloody post-election violence in early 2008. Even worse for a cash-strapped Kenya, the U.S. promised to scrutinize the government's requests to the International Monetary Fund (IMF) and the World Bank.


This is not the close friendship that Kenya had in mind when Barack Obama, a man whose father was born in Kenya, won the U.S. presidency. Kenya declared it a national holiday when Obama's victory was announced, and his visage is ever present here — on gum wrappers, in airline magazines and, briefly, on a beer label.

But some in Kenya's government believe that "Brother Barack," as he is known, has not reciprocated the love that they feel for him. Nor has Obama made good on their hopes that his Kenyan ancestry might lead him to give their country some kind of preferential treatment. Instead, Obama seems determined to use what influence he has in the way a parent might withhold love from an errant child. "I sometimes think Obama's roots in Kenya can actually be a problem," Prime Minister Raila Odinga said in a recent newspaper interview. "Kenya is always being held to different standards compared to neighboring countries."

The U.S. government, in fact, has been among the loudest countries in voicing its displeasure that Kenya's coalition government — which formed after the violence and is led by President Mwai Kibaki and Odinga — has not yet prosecuted the instigators or made a dent against corruption. "There may have been a belief in Kibaki's circles that Obama was sympathetic to them, and they can't understand why he's delivering all this bad news," Mwalimu Mati, head of an anti-corruption organization called Mars Group, tells TIME. "On the Odinga side, supporters are saying, 'Why on earth is Barack Obama being so hard on us?' "

Kenyans' belief in a connection with Obama is very real. His election victory was greeted with street celebrations and ecstatic parties. The Kenyan media cover his every interaction with local officials exhaustively. Much hand-wringing and speculation ensued, for example, when Odinga was uninvited to a lunch with Obama during the meeting of the U.N. General Assembly last week. It turns out that Odinga's invitation was a clerical error.

Now, however, Washington's potential ban on U.S. entry for 15 Kenyan senior officials is the latest — and most blatant — sign that Kenyan leaders may have misjudged their Brother Barack. Letters written by Assistant Secretary of State Johnny Carson were delivered to 15 senior government leaders who were deemed to be moving too slowly on reforms. (Their names were not released.) Chief among the government's failings has been its inability to prosecute the government officials who are believed to have orchestrated the violence. In the letters, Carson wrote, "I am writing to inform you that your future relationship with the United States is linked to your support for urgent implementation of the reform agenda as well as opposition to the use of violence."

Obama's actions strike a distinctly sharper tone than that of the Bush Administration, which was critical of the government's handling of the violence. Indeed, if the travel bans are enacted, Kenya would join the company of Zimbabwe and Sudan in being countries with officials who are not allowed entry to the U.S. And the last time the IMF and World Bank suspended loans to Kenya was in the late 1990s, under Moi's dictatorial rule.


All this comes at a trying time for the country. The Kenyan economy has been hobbled by the post-election violence and a punishing drought. Staff who conducted a recent census have been unpaid, and the financial crisis has robbed many people of their income, meaning fewer tax receipts.

On Wednesday, in an attempt to defuse Kenyan and U.S. anger, the much-criticized chief of the Kenyan Anti-Corruption Commission resigned. (Outrage had followed Kibaki's decision to reappoint Aaron Ringera earlier this month despite his failure to confront corruption.) Though Ringera's resignation was considered a good sign, the Kenyan government's primary response to the letters was to accuse Obama of a breach of protocol for writing to the 15 officials directly rather than to Kibaki. Instead of acknowledging the slow pace of reform, Foreign Minister Moses Wetangula suggested that actions like the U.S.'s could "precipitate the hardening of the mood over the reform process.


" Then Kenyan officials blamed U.S. ambassador Michael Ranneberger, who was given the task of announcing that the letters were sent. Ranneberger was summoned to a meeting with Wetangula, where he was told to turn over the names of the letter recipients.

The government's treatment of Ranneberger reflected just how unwilling it was to acknowledge that Obama might think badly of the Kenyan leadership. Ranneberger, a longtime Africa hand, was accused of turning an otherwise sympathetic Obama against Kenya with misinformation. "We appreciate the way Hillary Clinton has treated us with respect and decorum," government spokesman Alfred Mutua said in a recent interview, referring to the Secretary of State's visit to Kenya this summer.


"She achieved more in two days than what the U.S. mission in Nairobi has achieved in the last two years by intimidation and threats. Our perspective has always been that the right information is not getting to Obama. It was very clear to us when Hillary Clinton was here and expressed surprise at how much had been achieved."

Ranneberger is indeed outspoken — he recently opened a Twitter account, USAMB4REFORM — to tweet his thoughts on Kenya. "Despite warnings by some, I will still speak out supporting reforms in Kenya," read one. "President Obama and the Kenyan people demand nothing less!"

While there was some public annoyance with Washington's action, the government's attempt to appeal to Kenyan nationalism may have backfired. Regular Kenyans seem to think that Brother Barack was only doing his familial duty. An unofficial television poll after the news of the U.S. letters broke found that 82% of respondents disagreed with the Foreign Ministry's move to summon Ranneberger.


And no one is more critical of Kenya's leaders than Kenyans themselves. "The government's attitude has been that this can't be happening unless somebody's inciting Obama and that it's got nothing to do with them," says Mati, the anti-corruption activist. "They are truly in denial."

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Cheyenne Jackson, who returns to Broadway shortly in the revival of Finian's Rainbow, may be joining the cast of the Emmy-winning NBC comedy "30 Rock."

Eonline reports that Jackson will join the cast as a "permanent or semi-permanent player." The on-line entertainment source also says that the former Xanadu star has already begun filming. NBC has yet to issue a formal announcement.

Writer-actor Tina Fey said earlier this week that the show would soon cast a love interest for Tony winner Jane Krakowski. Perhaps Broadway stars Jackson and Krakowski — who co-starred in the City Center Encores! staging of Damn Yankees — will enjoy an on-screen romance.

Cheyenne Jackson, who was seen in the film "United 93," has appeared on Broadway in Xanadu, All Shook Up, Aida and Thoroughly Modern Millie. He starred in the premiere cast of Altar Boyz, and his regional credits include West Side Story, The Most Happy Fella, Children of Eden, Hair, Carousel, Damn Yankees and Kismet. Jackson is a member of the Broadway Inspirational Voices and was seen Off-Broadway in The Agony and the Agony and at City Center in Damn Yankees and Finian's Rainbow.

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Fourteen-year-old Alexis Thompson, playing her fifth LPGA event, shot 7-under 65 in the first round of the Navistar LPGA Classic to take the early clubhouse lead Thursday afternoon.

Michelle Wie, after making five birdies and an eagle over her first 17 holes, made bogey on her final hole to shoot 66.

Starting on the back nine, Thompson opened her round with birdies on her first two holes but made the turn only in 2 under, making bogey on the par-4 18th hole.

Thompson, who got into the event after the Tuesday qualifier was canceled, turned it on her final nine, making five birdies and no bogeys.

“I mean, everything was working for me,” Thompson said. “My ball striking was good. My driver was a little off, but, I mean, I’m not gonna complain.

“I rolled my putter really good,” she said.

It helped that her longest birdie putt of the day was a 15-footer on the par-5 fifth hole. Five of her birdie putts were from within 6 feet.

“I mean, the greens are really fast,” she said. “I got some really fast putts out there that I had to barely tap, but the golf course is great. I’m just honored to be here.”
Thompson’s appearance at the top of the leaderboard is hardly a surprise, considering her outstanding record in junior and amateur events, not to mention the handful of professional events she has already played.

She tied for low amateur honors at the Kraft Nabisco Championship earlier this year, and finished 34th in the U.S. Women’s Open. In 2007, she becaome the youngest player to ever qualify for the Women’s Open at 12 years, 4 months and one day

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The trial of a man who fatally stabbed pregnant Egyptian woman Marwa Ali El Sherbini in a German courtroom is expected to begin in late October.

A 28-year-old Russian-born German identified only as Alex W. is facing charges of murder, attempted murder and dangerous bodily harm for fatally stabbing Marwa Ali El Sherbini, 31, in July. He wounded her husband in the same attack.

Prosecutors say he was motivated by hate for non-Europeans and Muslims.

Marwa Ali El Sherbini was at a Dresden courtroom to testify against Alex W. after filing a complaint against him accusing him of insulting her with racial slurs. In a shocking courtroom outburst, Alex W. allegedly stabbed Sherbini to death.

Her killing caused outrage in Egypt and beyond.

The regional court in Dresden said in a statement Thursday that Oct. 26 has been chosen as the start date, to be finalized next week.

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We talked to Anita Tedaldi, a woman who adopted a child and then gave him up 18 months later. As horrible as that headline sounds, you realize how just complicated the situation was and how agonizing the decision to give up little “D.” was when you read Anita’s own account. It’s a piece that will bring you to tears.

When that essay was first published in the New York Time’s Motherlode blog, many people accused Anita of being irresponsible for taking on more than she could handle, for not trying hard enough to make her adoption work (even though she writes about trying everything from months of therapy to bonding sessions with a psychologist, etc.). Several others, however, applauded Anita for her courage and the strength she showed in making what she felt was ultimately the best decision for the child.

No matter how you feel about Anita's decision to terminate her adoption, her story is one almost every mother can relate to on some level. That’s because this is not necessarily about terminating an adoption as it is a story of a woman coming to terms with her emotions and accepting the fact she couldn't be the kind of mom she thought she would be to her adopted child. As much as we all like to think we can do it all, we’ve all had that humbling moment – or many humbling moments -- when we must recognize our own limitations. When was the last time you felt like you weren't a good enough parent? How often have you asked if you are doing the right thing, whether in loving or disciplining your child?

In her essay, Anita describes struggling to bond with D. the way she bonded with her five biological children. I know many women who have experienced that with their own flesh and blood. Upon becoming a parent we are often told that you will experience a love like no other. All this is very true, but some mothers don’t have that instant bond the second this brand new life is placed into their arms. It doesn't mean they don't become amazing supermoms and love their children more than anything, but we all love differently and some need time to forge that bond.

So perhaps some of you will still find fault with Anita; others might sympathize with her situation a little more when considering her story through the lens of a parent with their own limitations and shortcomings. We can all, I think, agree Anita did not fail in giving D. a better life in the end. Where might little D be now? Perhaps still in an orphanage in a third world country with a variety of health issues. I asked Anita if she felt she saved little D when he needed saving, and to that she responded with a resounding "yes."

I hope you read Anita's essay with an open mind and an open heart -- it will make you think, it will make you cry, it will make you question what it means to love as a parent.

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